Fidel Castro's Government

There are several(prenominal) important reasons why U.S. policy toward Cuba remained severe in the mid-nineties and has only begun to relax slightly in the past 2 years. The first reason is the influence of Cuban TmigrTs and American byplay interests who want the return of their property in Cuba and an shutting to Castro's rule. The morsel is the refusal of many an(prenominal) right-wing politicians (and their constituents) to give in to a communistic government that actively opposed the U.S. in e truly obeisance for many decades. The third reason is Castro's continued refusal to allow parliamentary government and cease human rights violations. The fourth reason, however, is the most important. Castro himself has make excellent use of anti-American feeling in the midst of severe economic hardship in the 1990s and has a lot taken defiant actions counter to American interests and scornful of inwrought attempts at semipolitical liberalization, the backbone of American demands. Castro has, in fact, "fetishized [Cuba's] political independence from the linked States" and may look to "securing a key out in history as a hero who resisted the Americans to the end" as his principal legacy. The American government's position, therefore, is based in very large part on the strong belief that Castro's anti-Americanism is marvellous to disappear of its

Senator Helms assumed that his faithfulness meant "farewell Fidel," as he put it, but its outlet has been extremely limited and the Clinton administration is hard- pep uped to demonstrate that it has worked at all. As Larson, Assistant Secretary of State for Economic and calling Affairs puts it, "forging a multilateral effort to press for democratic change, respect for human rights, and development of independent complaisant society . . . has become a central pillar of U. S. policy." But, speckle other nations agree in principle to pressure the Cuban government on these issues, their major concern, and Castro's, is that they continue trading. The assumption is that their posture in Cuba will be sufficient to do the job.

And many American commercial enterprise leaders, seeing a potential amplify in Cuba, now claim as well that "the U.S. business community has been a force for democratic change in other countries in the past" and the same will be true in Cuba.

Edelman, Mark. "Waiting for Fidel: Small Hopes and Great Travails in Havana." Dissent, Fall 1998: 11-17.

Falk, Pamela S. "Eyes on Cuba." Foreign Affairs, 75 (March-April 1996): 14-18.

Smith, Wayne S. "Cuba's grand Reform." Foreign Affairs, 75 (March-April 1996): 99-112.

The fact that Castro's Cuba has, thus far, managed some aspects of the transition from dependency more smoothly than many of the nations formerly in the Soviet sphere of influence has not made the United States' position any easier. At first the government's chances of survival seemed terrible. From 1972, when Cuba entered the Council for uncouth Economic Assistance (the Soviet-backed common market), until 1985 Cuba's economy grew by roughly 6 percent annually. But the sudden loss of the Soviet subsidies resulted in a 66 percent reduction of Cuba's hostile commerce "and the terms of trade for the remaining third deteriorated by 40 percent." The economy went into free-fall as the Cuban government was confront with the disappearance of basic imported goods
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